There are some things written that when you read them can make the reader say, ‘By Jove! I think he’s got it.’
One such piece is this one by Brendan O’Neill the editor of Spiked magazine. He said that the various enquiries into the roles played by police, councillors, council officers and social services in the horrific events will not examine the harder questions such as ‘how could community relations have become so warped?’ On that point I agree with Mr O’Neil. Rotherham was the result of a toxic political culture that far from acknowledging that there was a problem followed policies that made things much worse. Rotherham’s policy of sweeping these problems under the carpet for what looks like both personal ‘arse covering’ and ‘community cohesion’ reasons has caused more problems than such a policy may have been designed to solve. The local Labour council and the police effectively colluded with Islamic gangs involved in sex slavery possibly because the police wanted to have a quieter life, and for Labour to continue to pick up for what is for them the increasingly important Muslim vote.
Mr O’Neill said:
“There is outrage in the press this morning about the sexual abuse of 1,400 girls by Asian gangs in Rotherham in the north of England. But there is also a palpable reluctance to dig down and discover what might have allowed such an appalling state of affairs to occur.
Some seem keen to force the abuse into the now familiar narrative of the paedophile panic, which robs the Rotherham abuse of its specificity and makes it appear as ‘just another’ episode of men abusing children. Others are myopically focusing on the fear among many in Rotherham’s social services that they might have been labelled racist if they looked too hard into this gang abuse or drew attention to the fact that the perpetrators were Asian and Muslim. This does raise important questions about how the abuse was dealt with by the authorities, but obsessing over this aspect of the sordid events in Rotherham also avoids the harder question of how community relations came to be so warped that large numbers of white girls could be subjected to horrendous assaults by gangs of Asian men over a period of 16 years.
The report into the abuse, commissioned by Rotherham Borough Council, makes for disturbing reading. It claims that between 1997 and 2013, 1,400 young people, mainly girls, most of them white and working class, were intimidated, abused and/or raped. The perpetrators were, as one news report sums it up, ‘mainly Asian men’. According to the official report, ‘several staff [in Rotherham social services] described their nervousness about identifying the ethnic origins of the perpetrators for fear of being thought racist’. In short, what we seem to have here is a history of pretty shocking abuse, mainly by members of one community against another, which the authorities were reluctant to investigate and challenge.”
Mr O’Neill then goes on to describe how to concentrate too much on the reasons for the inaction on the part of the authorities would mean missing out on examining the ‘specific social foundations’ of the abuse. I agree with this because although it is right that those who mismanaged Rotherham are made to account for their errors of judgement, we must not ignore the specifics of the Rotherham offences and those like them. One of these specifics must be the role that the ideology of Islam has played in creating among the abusers a feeling that non-Muslims and especially non-Muslim women are worthless.
Although sexual abusers can come from all walks of life there are many aspects of the Islamic rape gangs that do need to be seen as specific to them. Things such as the fact that unlike gangs of groomers from outside the Islamic community these gangs feature multi-generational abusers. Both fathers and sons would abuse the same girl and would sometimes sell the girls on to members of their own extended families. This is unusual and is something that seems so far to be confined to these Islamic rape gangs.
We’ve seen gangs of sexual predators outside the Islamic community before, but they are more often than not unrelated to each other. The gang of paedophiles, murderers and rapists including Sidney Cooke, known as the ‘Dirty Dozen’, that operated in London and the South East between the 1960’s to 1980’s come into the category of like minded but unrelated offenders. Non Muslim gangs that abuse and rape are not normally familial, unlike the Islamic rape gangs where the offenders are related. An examination of the reasons behind the multi-generational nature of these Islamic rape gangs is something that should not slip away or be forgotten about.
There are aspects of Islamic rape gangs that put them in a league of their own when compared to other sex offences such as the extreme dehumanisation of the victims, the level of violence used and the fact that nearly all the offenders share the same religious belief. We should not just lump all sex offenders together because not all sex offenders are as influenced by culture, religion and worldview as the members of Islamic rape gangs are. We must treat Islamic rape gangs as a specific problem in their own right.
Mr O’Neill concluded his piece with an depressing and ominous paragraph. He said:
“It is not surprising that so many want to avoid asking what might have brought about the twisted relationship between sections of the Asian community and sections of the white working-class community, for answering this question is likely to expose some far more profound problems that official reports can do nothing to fix. Those problems include the ugly fact that Britain now has some very divided, and very corroded, communities, in which a crisis of adult authority has allowed significant numbers of young people to fall under the sway of other, problematic adults, and in which a crisis of community relations means that some groups, particularly some Asian Muslim groups, now view the white working classes with open contempt and even hostility. “
This is more than just a ‘crisis of community relations’ these are the conditions that could presage civil disturbances between the white working classes, who have borne the brunt of the problems caused by Islam, and Muslims and their supporters. Britain is now more religiously divided than at any time since the Civil War, and it is a religious divide that has been both facilitated and encouraged by the very Labour Party who for too long the white working class have put their trust in. This part of Mr O’Neill’s article really does make me wonder whether we should continue to tolerate those who now barely tolerate us.
Original article by Brendan O’Neill